Sir, I will have to disagree with you on that.<SMALL>It's legitimate only if a majority of voters / citizens agree it's legitimate, within the confines of the constitution. And it's possible amndments.</SMALL>
If the rest of the people on your block decide to evict you from your home and use it as they wish, does that make their use of force legitimate? Do these same people have the right to tell you how to live your life and run your business, "for the good of the majority?" Of course you'll say it's all a question of balance, but history seems to prove the futility of trying to establish a foothold on that slippery slope. And nobody ever agrees on the proper balance either. We're back to who has the power, rather than an impartial rule by law. Where is the historical example that contradicts this? How much of what the U.S. Government does today is really constitutional? Read the ninth and tenth amendments; if it isn't clearly spelled out in the Constitution, the federal government has no authority to do it.
David, is your idea of morality really governed by majority rule, or rather by a belief in natural rights that exist prior to their being acknowleged by a majority of voters?
This is the big difference between the natural rights-based American system -- in theory anyway -- and totalitarian systems that believe what's right is whatever the state decides, perhaps with majority consent.
It's true that the American system is the best, or one of the best ever; that's why U.S. history is the finest example of the impossibility of limiting centralized coercive force, once it's established.
In reality, since the Constitution was only ratified by a slim margin, and since the signers had no objective legal justification to answer for any present or future people but themselves, even our current system is founded on an injustice. Jefferson, in a communication with Madison, put forth the idea that the people should have the right to review their contract every twenty years or so. He knew the score. Madison pooh-poohed the idea.
You can get into issues involving the justification of coercive government through "implied consent," starting with John Locke, but these arguments seem to me to be clearly transparent.
Here's an interesting thing to consider: Knowing how paranoid most of the states were about giving up their sovereignty to the federal government, what sense does it make to think they would knowingly give up their right to ever back out of the arrangement? Lincoln did his best to decide that one, and they made sure Jefferson Davis didn't have his day in court to deliver his defense of the right to secede.
If someone arrives at their conclusions about government only through utilitarian analysis(what seems to work) and has no interest in natural rights, then they probably have no problem with the fact that the majority (through government) routinely violates the rights of individuals in ways that would be clearly illegal in transactions between one individual and another.
I've learned that if someone isn't interested enough in this to consider ways of more accurately honoring the rights of individuals, then it's a waste of time to talk about it. However, since we're then left with trying to develop strategies of how to get a big enough club to fight big business, we should realize that our morality is based on force rather than virtue. We shouldn' be too surprised when this philosophical shift begins to trickle down from our ideas about government activities into our ideas about what's right between individuals.
Why would there be any difference between the two?
There has been a great deal of thought done on how all the needed functions of government might be handled in ways which honor the right of voluntary association, and don't require a state monopoly on force that inevitably tramples the rights of minorities (or disenfranchised majorities). However, that would clearly take us even further off-topic, as would a refutation of the orthodox understanding of monopolies, which in reality usually involve government favortism or restriction at some point.
My understanding is that the common law tradition of property rights was doing a fine job of dealing with the emerging broadcasting industry until the government got nervous about it's lack of control over it and butted in. According to the legal historian H.P Warner:
"grave fears were expressed by legislators, and those generally charged with the administration of communications....that government regulation of an effective sort might be permanently prevented through the accrual of property rights in licenses or means of access, and that thus franchises of the value of millions of dollars might be established for all time."
The net result, however, was to establish equally valuable franchises anyway, but in a monopolistic fashion through the largesse of the Federal Radio Commission and later FCC rather than through competitive homesteading.
Hope this wasn't offensive to anyone,
Jeff S. <FONT SIZE=1 COLOR="#8e236b"><p align=CENTER>[This message was edited by Jeff A. Smith on 10 June 2003 at 10:59 PM.]</p></FONT><FONT SIZE=1 COLOR="#8e236b"><p align=CENTER>[This message was edited by Jeff A. Smith on 10 June 2003 at 11:59 PM.]</p></FONT>